What the chicanery that is the “no deal” process demonstrates is what now appears to be the irreversible decline into irrelevance of Westminster representative democracy (No deal, even after a vote of no confidence: how could it happen?, Journal, 5 August).
At the 11th hour the democrats in parliament have realised the threat (probably too late) facing them. A no-confidence vote, if lost, will not stop Boris Johnson and his gang rushing through a no-deal Brexit.
These people are not democrats. Boris Johnson’s only defining consistent characteristic is that of a rule breaker, one with no respect for the conventions and rules that make parliamentary democracy work. He seems to have never moved on from his Bullingdon Club days: he still revels in the sound of the smashing of glass.
When Matthew d’Ancona mentions that Gina Miller is considering yet another legal action against the government, it demonstrates the failure of the parliamentary opposition, as it’s from outside parliament that the real opposition comes.
Too many in parliament have abrogated their role as representatives and decided that their only loyalty lies with the winning side, even if that loyalty is to a leader who displays all the character traits of a contemporary Nero.
Derrick Joad
Leeds
Matthew d’Ancona discusses the possibility that, by dissolving parliament in mid or late October, the government could ensure that there would be no parliamentary vote on “no deal”, and that we would automatically leave the EU on 31 October. To avoid this, I would suggest that all the opposition parties should collectively approach the European commission and the council of ministers asking that the EU should unilaterally extend article 50 until after the election is over. Perhaps they could do this through the good offices of Leo Varadkar.
Dick Leonard
London
With reference to Matthew d’Ancona’s excellent article, is it possible that with such a tight schedule, parliament can be recalled as an emergency to buy us more time? This has happened before: 1949 (devaluation of sterling); 1950 (Korean war); 1961 (Berlin); and lately in 2016 (Jo Cox tributes).
Antoine Raffoul
Santa Marinella, Italy
Your leader (There is no case for no deal. MPs must do everything to nail this ministerial lie, Journal, 2 August) demonstrates how Boris Johnson has changed the conversation. The debate is no longer “Brexit v referendum/no Brexit”, it is “no deal v deal”. This smart strategy positions a deal as the best possible outcome, and removes from the debate any notion of reconsidering the whole project.
The hapless pro-referendum lobby has notably failed to anticipate this and prevent its own disappearance; the media (including the Guardian) cannot see beyond preventing/advocating no deal; MPs are chasing their own tails over no deal.
No doubt the idea is for the prime minister to save the day by persuading the house to vote for a deal. At which point everyone will breathe a sigh of relief, before suddenly realising we’ve still ended up in the mire, just slightly less of it.
Stephen King
London
Your excellent editorial of 2 August on recalling parliament does not refer to the legal opinion mentioned in a reader’s letter of 26 July which concludes that we cannot leave the EU with or without a deal unless parliament approves. I have seen no coverage of this potentially important point. If it has force it would surely transform the position.
Henry Sherman
Teddington, Middlesex
Not only should parliament be recalled but also autumn’s party conferences multilaterally cancelled (Parliament should be recalled to prevent a no-deal EU departure, Journal, 5 August).
Toby Wood
Peterborough
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